One truth in Paris, one truth in Strasbourg

During the week of 15 July, following the European elections in June and the dissolution of Parliament, two parliaments were formed: the European Parliament and the National Assembly. The contrast is striking.

The European elections, held every five years in 27 countries simultaneously, are conducted using a single-round proportional representation system. This provides an accurate snapshot of the political balance of power at European level, even though turnout in 2024 was only 51%, albeit up from the previous two elections.
It is striking to note that the two main political families, the EPP (centre-right, which includes elected representatives from LR, now the Republican Right) and the PES (which includes elected representatives from the PS and Place publique), remain in first and second place (with 188 and 136 seats respectively). Until 2019, they even held an absolute majority between them.

Since 2019, the third political force of the Centre (Renew, which includes elected representatives from the presidential majority) has joined this duopoly to form a pro-European ‘grand coalition’ majority, which was confirmed in 2024, but slightly reduced (401 out of 720 MEPs). To put it simply, the divide between pro- and anti-Europeans largely shapes European political life.

Thus, in the European Parliament, which has significant legislative and budgetary powers and elects the European Commission, nothing can be decided without alliances being formed and compromises being reached. The three political families negotiate constantly on a daily basis, without losing their own identities, but agreeing to make reciprocal efforts. This does not rule out tensions, or the occasional adoption of texts with alternative majorities. The Greens group often rallies to this pro-European majority.

It is these four political groups, despite some dissent (notably from French Green and Republican right-wing MEPs), that enabled Ursula von der Leyen to be re-elected as President of the European Commission. This practice of coalitions and culture of compromise, which is traditional at European level and implemented in many countries, is not found in France! This is why the contrast is so striking. Could the French take inspiration from these European practices?

But the European Parliament also reflects the diversity of the far right, represented by three political groups. Although the new group ‘Patriots for Europe’ has managed to bring together 87 elected representatives, these range from the National Rally (majority) to Mr Orban’s party, including far-right parties from Italy, Spain, Portugal and the Netherlands. A new small group (25 MEPs) has been formed around the German far-right party, the AfD, with one MEP from Eric Zemmour’s Reconquête party. These two groups are likely to remain isolated on most issues, as demonstrated by the overwhelming majority vote on 18 July in favour of a resolution supporting Ukraine. Finally, the elected representatives of Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s party sit in a third group, ECR, alongside Polish elected representatives from the PIS.

In short, the European Parliament remains relatively stable, even if there has been a shift to the right, the consequences of which are too early to analyse. And this is why there is one truth in Paris and another in Strasbourg.